Vine
Deloria, Jr.7
Reporting
the presence of sacred Native American sites on, near, or
possibly influenced by U.S. military lands is circumscribed
by several important considerations. These considerations
will be discussed as they relate to the identification of
sacred sites. Sites will then be identified and the appropriate
cultural and historical background and tribal affiliation
with the site will be provided. In order to avoid the specter
of appearing to be the definitive authority on these locations,
the phrase "appears to be" will be used in identifying
and discussing the locations. In that way, should conflict
arise in the future over the nature of the location, its importance,
or the ceremonies which might need to be conducted there,
sufficient flexibility is provided for the introduction of
clarifying information.
To avoid
any suggestion or inference that locations or background materials
regarding any particular sacred site is being revealed without
authorization from the proper traditional Native American
spiritual authorities, citations and bibliographic entries
are limited to secular sources which could be located by any
scholar or interested person from published materials available
in a major library or archives. Specific information on the
nature of the ritual activity, or importance to the tribe,
must be obtained from traditional spiritual leaders of the
tribe or tribes concerned.
Sacred
Site Locations By State
The following
is a discussion of sacred sites that are well known for various
Native American groups. Well known sites have been chosen
so that the goal of illustrating the geographic range and
variety of sacred site types can be met without further revealing
information about sacred sites. The following sacred sites
are discussed by state and by generic tribal affiliation,
Sioux, Paiute, Apache, Pueblo instead of the specific band
or community where applicable. For those sites specific to
a particular currently recognized Indian tribe, reservation
or community which involve continuing ceremonial activity,
the identification is site-specific if the information is
part of the larger historical/religious heritage of the group
and the data is already public information.
Maps
of states are in Appendix R; they are cited as figures in
this chapter (example: Figure 4.5 is located in Appendix R,
page 342). These maps indicate major features of each state,
Tribal lands, approximate location of sacred sites mentioned
in the text, and location of military installations as of
1995.
Arizona
The information
on Native American sacred sites in Arizona (Figure 4.1) are
listed alphabetically by tribe. Good general references on
native peoples of Arizona include Weaver (1974), Ortiz (1983),
and Sheridan and Parezo (1996).
Apache
The Apaches
are a loosely confederated people who lived in small hunting
bands, practicing some agriculture. Their territory, however,
covered an extensive area, including most of eastern Arizona
and southern New Mexico (Basso 1970; Goodwin 1969). The White
Mountain Apaches are generally located on a reservation of
the same name and have extensive traditional practices today.
They appear to have concentrated their ceremonial life at
locations on the reservation but many ceremonies will have
as geographical reference points sites, primarily mountains,
off the reservation to the south and east. Apache groups along
the Gila River and its tributaries shared a common language
and the same economic activities but were primarily mountain
people. The San Carlos Apache reservation was a location where
remnants of various Apache bands were located during the wars
against these people in the 1870s and 1880s. An estimated
20 or more separately identifiable bands of Apaches, primarily
consisting of groups formerly designated as "Gilas,"
live on this reservation.
Religious
traditions are not frequently shared among these groups. Consequently
when the Mount Graham telescope controversy arose two entirely
valid descriptions of the mountain emerged from different
groups of Apaches. The controversy involved the building of
telescopes on the mountain and was essentially a conflict
between Indians and environmentalists and the University of
Arizona. The mountain was not known to be sacred by some Apache
groups and it was a central sacred site for another group.
This example illustrates that a site sacred to one group of
Apaches may not necessarily be known to its neighboring group
even though intermarriage and other forms of band alliance
were practiced. A site may be sacred to several groups of
Apaches but for entirely different reasons depending on the
historical experiences of a given group.
Closely
related to these two major groups in culture and loose political
alliances are the groups known as Tonto Apaches, Yavapai (Apaches),
and Mohave (Apaches). All of these groups have smaller reservations.
Their sacred sites are generally locations adjacent to their
present lands, including mountains and springs some distance
from their present reservations. These sites were once used
and are a part of their creation and migration traditions.
Finally, not presently living in Arizona to any great extent,
are the Chiricahua Apaches who controlled much of southern
Arizona from very early times until they were forced from
the state during the wars of the 1880's. Cochise's Stronghold
and the lands near Fort Huachuca are representative areas
of sacredness for this group which is now scattered in family
groups at Fort Sill, Oklahoma and on the Mescalero Apache
reservation in New Mexico.
Mountains
forming a rough circle determine the heartland of some of
these Apache groups and involve traditional creation and migration
accounts. Additionally some mountains have a band of colored
rock distinctive in itself as lighter than the strata above
and below it which these people say gives evidence of the
massive flood which once ravaged the earth. Ceremonial traditions
about the flood and the continuing presence of spirits from
that time are held quite secretly by traditional people.
There
is some sharing of locations by Apache peoples and Navajos,
Tohono O'odham and the Pima-Maricopa peoples. The central
part of Arizona, where the mountains and desert join, was
a multiple use area, desert peoples using the region for hunting
to supplement farming production and mountain peoples, the
Navajos and Apaches, using the canyons and flood plains for
small agricultural areas. Specific religious sites were probably
used by different groups without conflict because of the difference
in ceremonial calendars. But sites specific to family-sized
groups exist. Probable religious use and identification of
these sites would be extremely rare considering the passage
of time since the reservations were established.
In Maricopa
County are the Painted Rock Mountains which consist of an
acre of rocks, forty to fifty feet high, which are covered
with both painted and carved pictures of men, insects, snakes,
birds, and various other figures. Interpretations of this
location are highly speculative and may involve simply graffiti
from ancient times or sacred tales which give directions of
other locations some distance away that are used for ceremonies.
Because these rocks could be the key to Apache practices at
locations within the Air Force bases in Arizona, to which
people might want access, this location is discussed. Being
in the territory of the archaeological Hohokam culture, the
site might also have connections to the Akimel O'odham (Pima).
Apache
religious practices are held in utmost secrecy and few outsiders
have been able to penetrate the religious practices to any
significant degree. Extreme sensitivity in protocol is suggested
when dealing with traditional Apache people. Military commanders
should contact the various tribal chairmen when faced with
a request for access to particular locations. The tribal council
should be asked for an introduction to the proper religious
authorities and outsiders should not automatically assume
that religious knowledge of these people is commonly held
by members of the respective reservations.
Havasupai
and Walapai
The Havasupai
people (Spier 1928) live in the bottom of the Grand Canyon
with some recently restored acreage on the rim of the canyon.
They are a small tribe whose major religious sites are all
located in the canyon. The Grand Canyon itself is the "mother"
or "Emergence Point" for the Havasupai and many
other tribes of Arizona, and even has a relationship to the
Zuni and other Pueblo peoples in New Mexico. Consequently
it is extremely difficult to separate sites which would be
strictly Havasupai with locations that may have many tribal
interests. The major problem in this location would be the
Air Force fly-overs which would probably be restricted by
the National Park Service and other agencies responsible for
maintaining the area.
The Walapai
Tribe (Kroeber 1935) is closely related linguistically and
culturally to the Havasupais. Occupying a reservation adjacent
to the Havasupai Reservation, they would be subject to the
same flyovers, and probably share sacred sites with the Havasupais
on the South Rim of the Grand Canyon.
Three
major sacred site locations exist near or in the Grand Canyon:
Hue-Ga-Woo-La, or Bear Mountain (known today as Bill Williams
Peak), Huethawali mountain, an almost isolated mountain in
the Grand Canyon which has irregular cross-bedded layers of
white sandstone, and Red Butte, south of the Grand Canyon,
which is a prominent location in the people's creation story.
None of these sites is directly related to military bases
but the nature of creation and migration stories among the
peoples of this area is the linkage, in roughly described
larger areas, of mountains which form the boundaries of the
lands which the people were instructed to settle. Consequently
these locations can be the focal point of larger geographical
networks which could reach into the desert areas to the south
and involve Air Force lands.
Hopi
While
Hopi people live on the Colorado plateau (the classic ethnography
is Titiev 1944) far away from Arizona military lands, their
traditions speak of many land forms in North America and include,
at a very ancient time, references to areas which have been
occupied by other tribes for thousands of years. They have
recently informed museums and other institutions of their
claims to affiliation with practically every ancient location
in the southwest. A wide range of writings (Waters 1963; James
1974; Whiteley 1988) claim that the Hopi migrated around the
continent several times, leaving identifiable markers of their
passage, including the Great Serpent Mound in Ohio. In the
emerging field of Pre-Columbian expeditions, the Hopis are
identified by several writers as peoples living in the middle
part of Arizona as early as 2400 B.C., when alleged Chinese
efforts to map the world took place. The Hopis consequently
present a most formidable tradition which has impressive credentials
as to accuracy, and is highly respected by other tribes and
many scholars.
Hopi
ceremonials, according to my present knowledge, are generally
restricted to the heart of present Hopi land holdings and
conducted in accordance with a ceremonial calendar. The extent
of their real ceremonial life is not known by outsiders. There
is a consistent overlap between the Hopi traditions and the
traditions of almost every other people in the Southwest area.
It is prudent, therefore, to make contact with Hopi traditional
people as well as tribes who have a story concerning mountain
and springs locations.
Mohave
and Chemehuevi
The Mohave
(Stewart 1983) and Chemehuevi (Laird 1976) have traditionally
lived along the Colorado River and in the western desert areas
of Arizona and eastern California. The Mohaves share a general
area of land with the other Yuman language speakers like the
Yumas, Yavapais, Cocopahs as well as the Numic language speaking
Chemehuevis (same language as Southern Paiute). Because of
generally flat desert landscape, notable geological features
have attracted many different people as places where ceremonies
should be conducted. Consequently the tribes along the Colorado
River must share a number of locations although quite possibly
for entirely different religious reasons.
In La
Paz County a distance above Parker Dam is Ahvakouotut which
is the ancient home of the Mohaves. North of that location
are three sharp peaks south of Topock at the eastern end of
the Mohave mountains called Huquempavi which liberally translated
means "where the battle took place" and refers to
an event in Mohave prehistory where a powerful spirit, Mastamho,
killed a sea serpent of enormous proportions. These two locations,
describing an aboriginal sacred area which has great length
and comparatively narrow width tell us that Mohave sacred
sites run up and down the river and do not describe a circular
occupancy/ceremonial area. Because the river area was home
to so many different Indian groups and because it is such
a narrowly defined location, sacred sites are shared by several
different Indian groups. The White Tanks location within the
Yuma Proving Grounds are already the subject of expressed
interest by the Quechan, Yavapai, Tohono O'odham as well as
the Mohave. These sites can probably be located by a traditional
elder who knows the creation story and the geographical area.
Navajo
The Navajo
(Kluckhohn and Leighton 1946) present a difficult problem.
The reservation extends into three states: Arizona, New Mexico,
and Utah. Several groups in New Mexico have tracts of land
distinct from the larger reservation in Arizona. Many of the
major sacred mountains are in New Mexico and Utah, indicating
a much larger occupancy area in pre-contact times (Kelly and
Francis 1994:185; McPherson 1992). Within Arizona itself the
majority of locations, including springs used in a variety
of ceremonial ways by families and small communities, are
on the reservation itself. The military installations which
might be affected by Navajo claims of sacred sites are minimal
to non-existent. The basic problem that might occur with the
Navajo people would be flyovers from various Air Force and
Air National Guard bases. In these cases disruptions would
involve a significant land area and many sacred locations
and formal negotiations would have to be held between the
Navajo Nation and the concerned military branch.
Because
of the size of the Navajo Nation it does not make sense to
attempt to describe sacred places on the reservation nor to
try to describe the many variants of the traditional Navajo
religion that might be practiced within the reservation. This
task has already been done, including some team work involving
Navajos (McPherson 1992; Kelly and Francis 1994).
More
germane to the question of Navajo sacred sites are those sites
which may involve the Navajo and other tribes. The adjacent
tribes in Arizona are the Hopi and Ute Mountain Ute Tribe
on the Colorado border. Conflicts between these Indian nations
would best be settled between and among themselves prior to
discussions with any branch of the Defense Department. State
agencies concerned with cultural and historic sites work with
all of these Indian nations and will also be parties of interest
in any serious controversy. Since there are no present controversies
regarding the DoD and the Navajo regarding sacred sites, and
since none is anticipated, this study will deal primarily
with locations in Utah and New Mexico which have the potential
for future conflicts. These sites will be discussed in conjunction
with the presentation for the respective states.
Pima
and Maricopa
Much
of original area of occupancy of the closely related Pima
and Maricopa peoples is now overlaid by the urban sprawl of
Phoenix and satellite cities. Some of the canal systems can
be traced and a few village sites can be located. It is difficult
to determine the scope and location of many of the original
villages. However the South mountains in Maricopa County are
the location for the traditions involving the Elder Brother
and his subordinate Coyote. The stories involving the Elder
Brother begin after the Great Flood and demarcate the various
notable geological formations of the immediate area.
While
the majority of the Pimas (Russell 1908) and Maricopas (Spier
1933) living in the region are today Presbyterians, the existence
of some form of the traditional religious practices cannot
be discounted, particularly since they would have been conducted
in great secrecy during the intervening century since white
settlement. Consequently if the Flood aftermath involved the
establishment of shrines to the west of the present reservation
location, there could be some conflict with the Luke Air Force
base land holdings (i.e., the Atlas-Tinaja Mountains).
The Pima-Maricopa
peoples today represent Indian communities in which the young
are much more interested in the religious traditions than
their elders. As revivalistic religious practices increase
and some traditional elders feel free to share information,
clarification of these peoples' need for ceremonial locations
will occur.
Tohono
O'odham Peoples
The Tohono
O'odham people (Underhill 1939, 1946; Fontana 1981) constitute
a large group of desert-dwelling villages extending into northern
Mexico. They are related to the Pimas and Maricopas and much
more is known about their religious practices. The present
reservation contains most of the desert locations that are
used for ceremonial activities. However the practice of the
Tohono O'odham people was to move to cooler mountain locations
during the summer when the desert was very hot and return
during the winter months. Intervention by the United States
and restriction to one desert location made it impossible
for the Tohono O'odham to maintain religious ceremonies in
the adjacent mountains. Some locations near Fort Huachuca
may still be used sporadically by the Tohono O'odham but most
probably not since the focus of cultural and religious activity
has been toward the west. Baboquivari Peak is one of the central
locations for Tohono O'odham religious activity and has many
different religious traditions attached to it. Practice of
traditional religion, including extensive ceremonies involving
the creation story continues with the Tohono O'odham. The
major problem for this people is the Air Force fly overs and
sporadic controversies still break out over this question.
Legacy
Project #21 at Fort Huachuca involves the inventory of rock
art sites on DoD property. Several locations exist within
the military lands and are rapidly deteriorating. These lands
would have been shared in pre-settlement times by the Chiracahua
Apaches, a variety of tribes now living below the U.S.-Mexican
border, and the Tohono O'odham peoples. This location is listed
under Tohono O'odham because of the proximity of the reservation
to Fort Huachuca, the ability of the Tohono O'odham government
to respond to overtures from the DoD, and the dissolution
of the Chiracahua Apaches from a distinct political entity
to surviving family fragments located on other reservations.
Yuma
and Cocopa
The Yuma
(or Quechan) people (Forde 1931) and Cocopas (Kelly 1971)
live south of the Mohaves but share a good deal of cultural,
economic and political history with them as well as a common
language. The creation and migration traditions generally
describe some sites used by both peoples. Avie Mil Li Ket,
a peak otherwise known as Chimney Peak by non-Indians, is
a sacred site which has an ancestral spirit who helps the
people. Raven Butte, in Yuma County also, was formerly the
location for raven nesting and involves part of the ancient
ceremonial practices.
Since
the Yumas live in their aboriginal location which has been
greatly reduced in historic times and has military installations
within it, both burial and ritual locations are present as
well as creation and migration locations. It is our understanding
that efforts are presently being made by the tribe and military
authorities to resolve frictions that now exist regarding
sacred sites.
Arkansas
This
state (Figure 4.2) has a rich historic past involving some
Indian nations. In the far-southeastern corners are areas
that represent the farthest reach of the once powerful Tunica
villages that spread across northern Louisiana. Along the
banks of the Arkansas River are locations of a number of villages
which have been loosely grouped together as part of the Caddoan
confederacy (Newkumet and Meredith 1988) which was drastically
reduced in size and importance during the trade wars which
occurred during French and Spanish governance of the region.
The Quapaws (Baird 1980) formerly lived in the northern part
of the state above the Arkansas during their ascendancy at
the time of French occupation. During the 1820s and 1830s
Arkansas was a major path of forced removal of the Five Civilized
Tribes as they were marched westward to Oklahoma. Fort Smith,
on the western edge of Arkansas, was once the primary location
for activities of the Federal government involving the Five
Civilized Tribes.
With
the dissolution of the major Caddo villages on the Arkansas,
knowledge of many sacred sites of pre-European and Euroamerican
times were lost when survivors of the villages joined other
tribes or were converted to Catholicism. The Eaker site which
is a National Historic Landmark is related to the Quapaw.
This site is located on Eaker Air Force Base which is in the
process of being closed. The Quapaw may be interested in the
lands for tribally sponsored archaeological investigations
once those lands become available for non-military uses. Fort
Chaffee near Fort Smith in western Arkansas is known to contain
burials and archeological sites. Other sites in Arkansas are
near Krenshaw, the Parkin site, and the Gold-Smith Oliver
site. Generally these locations are affiliated with either
the Quapaws or Caddos.
Since
much of the migration for the Five Civilized Tribes terminated
in the Fort Smith area, the various trails across Arkansas
which led to Fort Smith may contain a wide variety of burial
sites, of both a traditional and converted Christian importance.
It is recommended that contact be made with the governmental
authorities among the Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Creeks
and Seminoles to have their tribal historians consult with
military personnel regarding the possible trails and burial
sites which might be found in the future on military lands
in Arkansas.
California
Identifying
sacred sites in California (Kroeber 1925; Heizer 1978; see
(Figure 4.3) that would accurately reflect the aboriginal
religious traditions is extremely difficult. Spanish and then
Mexican occupation of the coastal areas and their efforts
to crush Native religious traditions have obliterated many
of the specific shrines and sacred sites on the coastal plains
and seacoasts. The forced tenure of many tribes at California
missions virtually eliminated many native religious practices
and made it impossible for survivors of the missions to preserve
the body of their own traditions. Succeeding waves of American
settlers, beginning with the gold rush, the agricultural and
commercial development of the state, and the reduction of
the surviving Indians to small reservations meant further
loss of religious ritual knowledge and practice. Two different
kinds of cultural overlay have occurred since the Indians
of this state were practicing most of their religious rituals.
The state
can be divided, for purposes of discussion, into northern
and southern regions. Within the north region further division
of the region into coastal-river tribes and mountain tribes
is necessary. In the south three divisions can be made: coastal,
desert and mountain peoples. The religious traditions, as
they can best be reconstructed, differ considerably. Northern
peoples have more similarity to the Klamath and Modoc peoples
of southern Oregon than they do to the peoples of the southern
part of California. Indian tribes in the south have a greater
affinity to Nevada and Arizona desert tribes than they do
to the peoples of northern California.
California's
Native American Heritage Commission (CNAHC) has devised several
basic categories of sacred sites for use in its inventory
of locations within the state (California, State of 1995).
Since it has a massive listing of locations, over 170,000,
their classification will be followed in the initial discussion
here. The CNAHC have identified some locations as Worship/Ritual
or Sacred/Power sites. Worship/Ritual locations are sites
where ceremonies are performed. Out of the 57 California counties,
34 contain these kinds of sites and 226 separate Worship/Ritual
areas have been identified and listed with NAHC. There are
384 sites located in 33 California counties that come under
the classification of Sacred/Power sites. These locations
are generally places having unique geological formations which
have been revered by Native peoples since pre-contact times
and figure prominently in their traditions and stories. Typically
they are springs, beaches, mountain tops, desert washes, caves,
and viewing places. Here sacredness is defined by the emotional
experiences associated with certain locations, remembered
perhaps by occasional ceremonial or thanksgiving activities,
but generally a network of places that helps to define the
nature of the land itself.
Burial
places, in the perspective of the California Native American
Heritage Commission, constitute a class apart from the two
basic topics listed above. There are 530 recorded burial sites
in 51 California counties. These sites include areas where
many burials are situated but other locations are identifiable
graves that have been disturbed or places of re-internment.
The California Indian Commission has recommended that the
DoD contact individual tribes to ascertain information which
might reveal those sites that fall within the general vicinity
or within the present land holdings of military installations.
Just
as useful in understanding the nature of California sacred
sites would be to view three other types of sacred sites:
those which represent the creation or migration traditions,
ancient villages with accompanying burials, and places for
gathering medicines and materials for ceremonies. Planting
knowledge is a major element of southern California religious
traditions and gathering plants for ceremonies is one of the
most important activities of traditional people there. As
tribal religions continue their resurgence, the creation/migration
stories will be recited more often and people will want to
retrace some of the paths which represent these things.
It is
possible to identify areas and installations within specific
California counties where the probability of burial sites
being on military lands is extremely high. Riverside County,
for example, home of March Air Force Base and Chocolate Mountain
Gunnery Range, has 92 burial sites listed with the CNAHC.
San Diego County has Miramar Naval Air Station, North Island
Naval Air Station, and Camp Pendleton Marine Corps Base within
its borders. The county has 154 sites presently identified
as burial locations. Since the compilation of California Native
American sacred sites is relatively recent and since these
bases have used their lands for a considerable period of time,
there is every reason to believe that many additional and
as yet unrecorded sites exist within the limits of these bases.
Absent a determined effort to identify new sites, DoD can
anticipate that future construction on these bases may reveal
more locations that would qualify for the CNAHC listing.
The Legacy
program in California is substantially ahead of the national
DoD trend, having a number of existing projects that are making
a contribution to the resolution of the sacred sites question.
Those installations projects are:
Vandenberg
AFB - Worship/Ritual Sites and Burial Sites; Legacy Project
# 35, FY91; Legacy Project # 447, FY92
Fort
Hunter-Liggett Army Military Reservation - Burial Sites and
Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 523, FY92
Naval
Air Weapons Station, China Lake - Worship/Ritual Sites, Burial
Sites and Archaeological Sites; UA(BARA), FY93
San
Clemente Island, Naval Air Station, North Island San Diego
- Burials and Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 33, FY91
San
Nicolas Island Naval Air Station, North Island, San Diego
- Burials and Archaeological Sites; Legacy Project # 437,
FY92
Twenty-Nine
Palms Marine Corps Base - Burial Sites and Sacred Power Sites;
Legacy Project # 21, FY91
The Cahuilla
(Bean et al. 1991) groups center their creation traditions
in the Palm Springs region and have identified many places
as sacred to their traditions. These locations seem to be
confined to a specific area not adjacent to existing military
bases. On the eastern shore of the Salton Sea, however, at
a location known as Dos Palmas, the Cahuilla had a sacred
site for Vision Quests and the training of religious leaders.
This location is probably still in use although it appears
to be some distance from the Gunnery Range.
Scattered
communities of Chumash who lived along the California coastal
areas may live in close proximity to coastal military installations
but we believe their concerns would be directed primarily
at the question of burials and remains of ancient villages.
Since the coast was heavily populated by small villages which
obtained their subsistence from the ocean and river tributaries,
the chances of accidentally uncovering a location on military
coastal lands that would be held as sacred, at least insofar
as burials are concern, is reasonably high. Since both the
Indian tribes and the state agencies are relatively aggressive
about dealing with cultural/religious matters, military base
commanders should have good working relationships with these
people. Vandenburg Air Force base has a number of locations
sacred to the Chumash which were used as Sacred/Power locations,
and progress is already being made to deal with access to
these locations.
The Coso
Hot Springs within the China Lake Naval Air Weapons Station
was used extensively by a number of Indian tribes, primarily
the Owens Lake Paiutes and the Shoshones. It is already the
subject of a Legacy Project and is discussed more extensively
in Chapters Six and Eight.
Colorado
The Ute
people (Conetah 1982; Jefferson, Delaney, and Thompson 1972;
Smith 1974) controlled extensive areas of this state (Figure
4.4), primarily the western slope and the southern mountains
as far as the Plains, in prehistoric and historical times
until Euroamerican settlement. Numerous other tribes used
parts of the eastern slope of the Rockies for a variety of
purposes but in general did not occupy permanent areas. Thus
the people of Taos, Pecos, and other northern Pueblos (Dozier
1970), the Kiowa (Mayhall 1962; Momaday 1969), Comanche (Wallace
and Hoebel 1952; Foster 1991), Jicarilla Apache (Tiller 1983),
Cheyenne (Grinnell 1972), Arapaho (southern and northern;
Painter 1893; Kroeber 1902-1907; Trenholm 1970; Fowler 1982),
Sioux (Mooney 1896; Marquis 1993), Osage (Matthews 1961),
Pawnee (Weltfish 1977), Wichita and related tribes (Newcomb
1976), eastern Shoshone (Trenholm and Carley 1964), and perhaps
even Blackfeet (Ewers 1956) and Crow (Lowie 1956) peoples
had some contact with different locations in Colorado. Navajo
peoples most certainly had extensive hunting and living areas
in the southwestern part of the state although nothing was
found to indicate sacred sites of the Navajos (Kluckhohn and
Leighton 1946) in Colorado.
Military
installations that would have any significant Native American
sacred sites significantly are probably rare in Colorado,
since there are only the Air Force Academy, Fort Carson, and
some scattered installations such as the Rocky Mountain Arsenal
near Denver and the Pueblo Army Depot. A report has already
been done on the Colorado Springs area and the tribes which
might have an interest in sacred site locations in that general
area. Other than burials which might be discovered, we can
find no particular locations that would be affected by any
military activities that would also involve contemporary religious
practices by traditional Indian people.
Arkansas
Mountain in Boulder County is a site currently in use by various
tribal members for vision quests and sweat ceremonies. It
is most likely an ancient Arapaho site. At the present time
there is some controversy involving the Garden of the Gods
city park in Colorado Springs and a group of Indians who want
the area designated as a sacred location (Goss 1994). The
Indian group does not seem to represent any particular tribe
but is understood more as a gathering of people from various
tribes. Pike's Peak is regarded by the Sioux Indians as the
center of the world but holding ceremonies there would be
highly unusual.
Hawaii
Native
religion (Fournander 1918-1919) in Hawaii (Figure 4.5) is
immensely sophisticated, has many levels of understanding
and ritual, and deals with spectacular forces of nature such
as the ocean and its currents, the winds, and most of all
volcanic forces of the planet. Aspects of this religious tradition
could be called a "fire theology" and are compatible
with some of the oldest religions on earth in terms of creation
and revelation stories. With the coming of Europeans, and
especially with the advent of the missionaries who fought
hard against the indigenous religion, much of the native ritual
activities were abandoned. As non-Natives came to represent
the majority of the islands' population, traditional native
religion was restricted to certain areas and groups. With
the development of some of the islands as military bases and
the expansion of military lands during the Second World War
(Figure R.2), many native sacred sites were lost or supplanted
with new construction.
Hui Malama
I Na Kupuna 'O Hawai'l Nei (Association for the Preservation
of Indigenous Hawaiian Culture; Hui Malama for short), a local
native organization active in repatriation efforts, has made
major strides in securing ancestral remains from all over
the world for reburial in Hawaiian soil. A major issue for
this group is the use of ancestral remains for scientific
investigations. In June 1994 Hui Malama filed a lawsuit over
unauthorized use of skeletal remains for scientific use involving
the Navy and the Bishop Museum. Since all soil is believed
to be sanctified because ancestral burials are all over the
islands, considerable work must be done with native Hawaiian
people to devise ways of using land that do not interfere
with these deeply held beliefs. Reburial of skeletal remains
discovered during construction or renovation without subjecting
the remains to scientific tests may well irritate secular
scientists, however most parties agree that doing so without
seeking permission from Native Hawaiian authorities is a violation
of the NAGPRA protections. This problem of disturbing the
land underlies all other issues regarding sacred sites in
the Hawaiian Islands.
A good
many of the Native Hawaiian sacred places have long since
been destroyed by commercial development and the spread of
suburban housing. Nevertheless some sacred sites do remain,
some are the subject of intense debate (Edelstein and Kleese
1995) and others are still kept as closely guarded information.
The largest specific site considered sacred by Native Hawaiians
is the island of Kaho'olawe which has a Naval Bombing range
on it and has been the subject of some controversy already.
Numerous shrines and localities exist on these islands and
relate to almost every kind of religious ceremonial in the
traditional religion (Langlas 1994), as we might expect when
we discuss a location of this size. Kaneohe Bay, on the northeastern
side of Oahu, has a similar complexity in terms of sacred
locations. Continuing negotiations with traditional Hawaiian
groups should enable some precise identification of specific
locations and the adoption of provisions to protect them.
The Kahuku
Training Area has prehistoric religious sites which are revered
by traditional Hawaiians. Clustered on Oahu are sacred sites
where Kamehameha lived involving both Fort DeRussy and Fort
Kamehameha. The Scofield Army Barracks in the center of Oahu
has a Native Hawaiian religious site on the edge of its property.
The Pacific Missile Range Facility on Oahu is adjacent to
the Barking Sands site and Kaneana Cave, both of which have
importance to the traditional religion.
Considering
the complications involved it might be better as a practical
matter to have a state-wide meeting between traditional practitioners
and DoD representatives and begin to process of identification,
discussion, and the creation of access or protective agreements.
Handling this situation piecemeal through studies of individual
military installations seems tedious and inefficient.
Idaho
Idaho
has two distinct geographical areas (Figure 4.6), the high
desert which is part of the Great Basin and the mountain region
which is part of the Rocky Mountain chain; see Walker (1978,
1980). The Shoshone, Bannock, Sheepeaters, Paiute and associated
Gosiute occupied the high desert areas with some possible
intrusions by the Utes from the northern Utah area. The Nez
Perce, Walla Walla, Coeur d'Alene, Spokane, Kootenai, Salish,
Blackfeet, Columbia River, Cayuse and other traditionally
located Pacific Northwest tribes all used the northern mountainous
areas of the state. There is tremendous overlapping of tribal
occupancy areas here with many tribes using the same areas
for hunting, gathering of herbs, foods, and medicines, and
religious activities. Both in early contact times and during
this century many of these tribes confederated with each other
to form a stronger group of people who could deal with large
tribes and then with the United States. Scholars debate whether
the Shoshones and Bannocks of this region were ever independent
or whether they confederated.
At the
present time the state has a reservation at Fort Hall occupied
by Shoshones and Bannocks, a reservation at Duck Valley occupied
by Shoshones and Paiutes, a Coeur d'Alene reservation at Plummer,
a Nez Perce reservation at Lapwai, and a Kootenai reservation
at Bonners Ferry (Walker 1980-1983). The Northwestern Band
of the Shoshoni Nation, recently declared a Federal tribe
through the acknowledgment process, is basically without a
reservation land base but is composed of families whose ancestors
survived the Bear River Massacre near Preston, Idaho during
the Civil War. Their tribal office is in Blackfoot, Idaho.
Oral traditions may go back as far as the Pleistocene Ice
Ages for these tribes, particularly in the north, and some
Shoshone traditions recount volcanic explosions and unusual
geological events in the southern part of the state (Steward
1943). Idaho, and we shall see this characteristic in Oregon
and Washington also, has such a large number of unique geological
formations, capped by rugged mountain ranges and much ancient
volcanic activity, that formulating a complete analysis of
sacred locations in that state would be a major task for a
team of scholars and linguists.
This
report will concentrate on the desert areas of southern Idaho,
particularly in Owyhee, Ada and Twin Falls Counties, and in
some instances on locations further east along the Snake River.
Three major kinds of sacred sites are to be found in this
lowland area: gathering places for herbs and medicines, vision
quest locations and meeting places, and medicinal springs
in the various lava beds. Streams and rivers in the lowland
areas of Idaho occasionally run underground and there are
numerous instances of exceedingly hot springs found within
the region and formerly used by Indians for healing ceremonies.
Several of the most notable springs have long since been appropriated
by non-Indians and made into commercial ventures, most notably
the Lava Hot Springs and the hot springs near Challis. Some
of the remaining locations where native ceremonies can still
be practiced will be a concern.
The Kootenai,
Coeur d'Alene, and Nez Perce lands are in the northern mountainous
areas of Idaho and some of their sacred sites are located
in eastern Washington and will be discussed with the other
locations in that state. The Idaho discussion will concentrate
on the Shoshones, Bannocks, Paiutes, and Ute peoples.
Bannock
These
people seem to have been independent at one time, prior to
contact with Europeans and consequently some of their traditions
may speak of religious experiences during this period of time.
Walker (1993b) argues that at least since the early Eighteenth
century the Shoshone and Bannock have been closely aligned
and consequently attempting to identify separate origins for
much of the cultural/religious traditions is not possible
or feasible. These people should today be called Shoshone-Bannock
because they have formally organized politically under the
Indian Reorganization Act as a consolidated tribe even though
there is documentary evidence that on occasion the Bannocks
were treated separately. Closely related to the Shoshone-Bannock,
and virtually indistinguishable today for our purposes, are
the Sheepeaters who once lived on the Lemhi Reservation but
were removed to Fort Hall at the beginning of the century
following the death of their chief. Generally the Bannock
portion of the Shoshone-Bannock concentrated themselves in
the northeastern areas of Idaho. With the coming of settlers
on the Oregon trail the Bannocks were attracted to the lower
regions of the state and frequently attacked wagon trains
leaving Fort Hall for the Willamette settlements. Many of
the Bannock sacred sites are found in the upper drainage area
of the Snake River somewhat removed from the areas which have
military lands but which are overflown by the military from
time to time. Creation and migration stories do not seem to
nut the tribe in the desert areas.
Northern
Paiute
These
people (Knack and Stewart 1984) ranged extensively from the
middle California deserts into Oregon, throughout the Great
Basin into the Grand Canyon northern regions, and into southern
Idaho. They were generally divided into small bands located
in small regions because of the difficulty in feeding a large
number of people. Since the Paiute form a large linguistic
group with dialect variations, they do not have homogenous
accounts of creation and migration. Rather, Paiute sacred
sites are defined by stories of local importance to a particular
group and well-defined sets of relationships between mountains
and springs. Today the bands of Paiutes who once lived in
the Idaho area reside on the Duck Valley Reservation which
straddles the Idaho-Nevada border. Since they have lived with
the Shoshone there for over a century, we will discuss their
sacred sites in conjunction with those of the Shoshone.
Shoshone
For the
purposes of this report the Shoshone (Trenholm and Carley
1964) will be separated into two groups: desert people and
mountain people. Culturally some scholars such as Walker (1993b)
divide the Shoshone into eastern and western branches and
the political history of these people suggests such a classification.
Here "desert and mountain" characterizations will
be used primarily because we are also dealing with the geography
of the region and the kinds of sacred places to be anticipated.
Like the Paiute, the Shoshone ranged over a very large territory,
in fact approximately the same territory that now includes
western California, Oregon, Nevada, Utah and Idaho. The eastern
branch of the Shoshone Nation were primarily mountain people
and occupied lands far into Wyoming and Colorado. The largest
Shoshone reservation, in fact, is the Wind River reservation
in Wyoming. Today desert Shoshone live at Duck Valley and
mountain Shoshones at Fort Hall. The Shoshone were once part
of a much larger group that included the Comanches before
that segment of the nation migrated south along the front
range of the Rockies. Consequently in terms of creation and
migration traditions, Idaho may have some locations that relate
to the Comanche.
The more
immediate concern in this report is the southwestern portion
of Idaho where there are Air Force activities and lands and
where there is still considerable ceremonial life represented
by the traditional people of Duck Valley. Fishing Falls, between
Jerome and Falls was a traditional fishing site for these
people and consequently mountains and springs in the vicinity
have the potential of being sacred locations where first salmon
ceremonies and healing rituals were performed. Indian Meadows
in Owyhee County was a summer meeting location for many of
the Shoshone bands and probably a site where important rituals
were conducted on behalf of several groups of Shoshone.
The major
problem in southwestern Idaho is the close fly-overs within
the Owyhee/Paradise Military Operations Area. Some areas in
southern Idaho are described as "high intensity operating
areas" and the nature of the military use produces massive
sonic booms which disturb ceremonial activity and may inhibit
growth or plant and animal life in the region. Some Indian
reports suggest that planes fly as close as 100 feet from
the ground and substantially disrupt even secular activities
in the region.
In Owyhee
County there is a geologic formation known as the Jarbidge
Canyon and River and the location has the connotation of something
mysterious and evil. Frequently medicine men of a tribe would
suggest the presence of evil to inhibit tribal members from
entering certain kinds of locations. Squaw Meadows, also in
Owyhee County, is the site of a massacre of an Indian camp
and memorial services are conducted here on a fairly regular
basis for the deceased killed and buried there.
The Mountain
Home Air Force Base administers an area known as the Saylor
Creek Range on which missiles are dropped or fired. There
are undoubtedly native burials within this range although
current archaeological surveys have not yet discovered any.
Since there is an annual cleanup of the area, there is a good
possibility that burials will be discovered in the future.
The Mountain Home Air Force base proposed bombing range affects
the Shoshone and Paiute people of Duck Valley. Further east
the DoD Idaho National Engineering Laboratory, which has the
participation of Navy in some projects, affects the Shoshone
and Bannock people of Fort Hall. Idaho would be an excellent
place to develop long-term working agreements with the Indian
tribes on the sacred sites protection subject.
Owhyee
County has a number of pictographs, one prominent site at
a location called Indian Bathtub which also has a spring that
was used for healing purposes. In Idaho County on Indian Creek
are another set of pictographs which may relate to the Owhyee
site. If the connection holds, and there is every reason to
believe these sites are linked together ceremonially, migration
and creation traditions are involved. Nat-Soo-Pah warm springs
in Twin Falls County was a primary healing spring and this
location may be linked in the oral tradition to the other
two sites. Within the Shoshone-Bannock religious traditions,
vision questing is done at sites having pictographs and most
of the locations which have these markings are also used on
occasion by the traditional native people from both Fort Hall
and Duck Valley.
Table
Rock in Ada County is an important native location. Its Shoshone
name means the place to build fires at certain times suggesting
annual ceremonies comparable to the Sun Dance or Bear Dance
of other tribes. Defining the site more precisely would require
comparing the summer rituals of the desert and mountain Shoshone
and determining from which geographical area participants
in the ceremony were drawn. This site could quickly become
controversial because there are indications that the location
has great significance for the Shoshone. It would be an excellent
choice to develop a working agreement between Shoshone tribal
governments, the state agencies, and the DoD.
Julian
Steward (1943) reports a memory of the great ice sheets that
may indicate Shoshone presence in the Great Basin desert during
one of the Pleistocene glacial advances on the Snake River,
suggesting Shoshone activity in the Idaho are can be measured
in tens of thousands of years. The Shoshone claims may one
day be as well understood as contemporary Hopi claims to antiquity.
Fortunately
efforts are already under way to establish working agreements
between the Air Force and the traditional Shoshone-Paiute
people at the Duck Valley Reservation which spans the Nevada-Idaho
border (see letter from Mountain Home Air Force Base, Appendix
J). The definition of the network of sacred sites which will
require protection or require access for ceremonial purposes
will depend in large measure on which ceremonies and rituals
have become dominant in Shoshone religious life. Some locations
will certainly have become secularized over a long period
of time. Nevertheless many religious practices have been kept
alive by these people and there is every reason to anticipate
considerable activity to preserve sacred locations.
Ute
In the
very southeastern tip of Idaho are some locations of significance
to the Ute people who live further east and south in Utah
and Colorado. These locations involve the Bear who has a special
significance to the Utes (Conetah 1982; Jefferson, Delaney,
and Thompson 1972; Smith 1974). The Bear is a healer prophetic
figure and much of Ute religious activity is focused on this
animal. Bears were once prominent in this area of Utah and
healing springs were probably ceremonial sites which had Bear
rituals. The bear provides knowledge of herbs and roots for
medicinal purposes and some gathering sites are scattered
in this area also. A number of healing springs are found along
the border, and others are found up to the area around Soda
Springs.
The area
east of Pocatello probably has a few medicinal locations that
are used on rare occasions by the Ute traditional people.
Apart from the Bear Dance which is one of the central public
religious ceremonies, Ute religious practices are highly secretive
and their meaning closely held by spiritual leaders. Sacred
sites in the aforementioned areas of Utah will not be revealed
to outsiders unless a severe crisis provokes such a need.
Iowa
Although
Iowa (Figure 4.7) was a prairie with sparse woodlands prior
to its settlement by Euroamericans, at various times in its
history the Sac and Fox (Hagan 1958), Otoe and Missouri (Chapman
1974; Edmunds 1976; Whitman 1937), Iowa (Blaire 1979), Omaha
(Fletcher and LaFlesche 1911), and Sioux all occupied various
locations within what is now Iowa. With the exception of a
small settlement of Mesquakies (McTaggart 1984) at Tama, who
at the end of the last century purchased their lands and made
arrangements with the state to live there, the Indian nations
who once lived in Iowa no longer do so. Ancient Sioux traditions
relate to the Spirit Lake area and it is still spoken of with
reverence although the bands which inhabited it have long
since been dispersed in the wars of the 1860s. Locations along
the Mississippi River, particularly in the Davenport and Dubuque
areas, are sacred to the Fox Nation but were abandoned by
the tribe as early as the 1780s when the location which now
encompasses Dubuque was purchased by Julian Dubuque from the
Fox.
Much
work has been done by the state in locating and classifying
Indian culture and religious sites. The State Archaeologist
reports that there are 16,194 sites in the state with 1,848
having some possible religious significance. Of these, the
vast majority (1,143) of the locations involve mounds and
another 400 are locations of old villages which are presumed
to have burial areas attached to them. None of these locations
is near or on DoD lands.
Kansas
The Indians
(Herring 1990) of this state (Figure 4.8) and Oklahoma present
the situation in which an aboriginal Indian population spread
across the state experienced intrusions of Indian nations
from east of the Mississippi due to the removal policy of
the Federal government.
With
the onset of the Civil War the tribes settled in the eastern
part of these states were drawn into a very painful conflict
and with the final Indian wars of the Plains the original
tribes found themselves mixed together with tribes who were
still fighting to remain free. Consequently there is in Kansas
a strange mixture of native sacred sites which have ancient
significance as well as sites with a more contemporary relevance.
In the
Yates area there is currently a petition to set aside an area
which is said to possess the characteristics of sacred property
for the Creek or Muskogee Nation. Many Creek are buried at
this site including Chief Opotheyoholo. These graves represent
remnants of a small group of Creek which sought to escape
the ravages of the Civil War in the Indian Territory. Oklahoma
Creek make annual trips here to visit certain specific sacred
locations and to commemorate the deceased who are buried here.
Similar
historic burial locations exist in and around Wichita. This
may include some sites important to the Cherokee.
Kiowa
When
the Kiowa (Mayhall 1962; McAllister 1970; Mooney 1898; Ney
1962; Spier 1921) lived in western Kansas they used a number
of locations along the Medicine Bow River as Sun Dance sites.
Some research has been done to identify these locations but
it is now held in confidence. Prominent hills and buttes in
western Kansas must also have this connotation, although nothing
currently in print has been admitted by the Kiowa as being
valid and no requests for protection have been made.
There
are 31 known petroglyph sites in Kansas in 15 counties. Many
of these locations have suffered vandalism and the addition
of graffiti. The Smoky Hill Air National Guard Base may be
one location where more petroglyphs exist and are not yet
recorded (KANG 1994). There is also a site known as the "Penokee
Man" in north central Kansas, several intaglio figures
carved into the earth in various locations, and ceremonial
or council circles, perhaps some actually serving as medicine
wheels scattered in various locations around the state.
There
are archaeological sites at both Fort Riley and Fort Leavenworth,
the Quarry Creek site in the later, and there are already
two Legacy projects funded in FY92: #428 and #228 being conducted
at Fort Riley. Since few of the original or migrating tribes
continue to live in Kansas, except for some small reservations
of Potawatomi, Sac and Fox, Kickapoo, and Iowa tribes, much
of the contact these two military installations have concerning
Native sacred sites will be with tribes now living in other
states. The contacts will involve primarily burial sites and
the ceremonies will probably be condolence or commemorative.
Pawnee
Kansas
has numerous sites important to the Pawnee (Weltfish 1977).
Pawnee Rock on the old Santa Fe trail was regarded as sacred
and was probably a vision quest site. Waconda Springs in Mitchell
County was an important healing mineral springs for these
people. Pawnee Village in the northeastern corner of the state
has an annual memorial service commemorating Pawnees who were
buried there when the tribe briefly lived there. Rock City
near Minneapolis, west of Fort Riley, is believed to be a
site where the Pawnee animal lodges were located and would
be the site of ceremonies and rituals.
Louisiana
Louisiana
(Figure 4.9 is a complex situation (Paredes 1992; Williams
1979) in that there are both Federally recognized tribes and
non-recognized Indian communities. The state also has small
Native American communities, particularly in the Red River
area near the Texas border in which the population is predominantly
of mixed blood with a predominance of Choctaw. Inhabitants
of these towns vehemently deny an Indian heritage, are very
secretive about communal affairs, but are said by people in
the recognized Indian communities to practice some Indian
religious rituals. None of these areas or towns is near any
existing military installation but the potential exists that
the DoD installations may be visited by delegations from these
places.
Louisiana
tribal groups (Coushatta: Jacobson, Martin and Marsh 1974;
Tunica-Biloxi: Faine 1986; Chitimacha: Hoover 1975) generally
lived in fishing/hunting villages in the bayous and swamp
clearings, most usually at landing places and river bends.
Burials and places to locate medicinal herbs and roots, along
with possible emergence sites, would be the major religious
locations for these Native American groups.
During
both Spanish and French occupations the colonial officials
allowed public sales of lands by small Indian tribes to local
merchants and land speculators. The Indian villages would
then generally move and amalgamate with villages that had
not sold their lands. The American State Papers (U.S. Congress
1832-1861) has many case studies of these sales and migrations
in conjunction with title questions resolved by the Congress
or the General Land Office after the United States assumed
control of the area following the Louisiana Purchase.
The development
of large sugar cane plantations in Louisiana during antebellum
days cleared much land that would have contained Native American
sacred sites. Two military installations, Fort Polk and Barksdale
Air Force Base, have the possible sites important to the Louisiana
tribes and also to the Caddo, Aqupaw, Creek, Choctaw and Houma
who once had an interest in the area. Fort Polk already has
a Legacy project (#71) funded in FY91. Barksdale is presently
conducting a survey of the cultural resources present within
its borders.
Minnesota,
North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska
The distinguishing
characteristic of these states (Figure 4.10) is the dominance
of the Sioux Nation (Marquis 1993; Mooney 1896) which at one
time virtually controlled this northern Plains region. Sharing
Minnesota with the Chippewa (Tanner 1976; Cleland 1992), North
Dakota with the Mandan (Meyer 1977), Gros Ventres (Flannery
1953; Fowler 1987), Arikara (Meyer 1977), and Chippewa, and
Nebraska with the Pawnees (Weltfish 1977), the Sioux nevertheless
defined the landscape and imprinted their religious tradition
in indelible fashion. The Sioux also occupied large areas
of Wyoming and Montana but we will reserve discussion of sacred
sites in those locations until later.
Sioux
sacred locations are dominated by Bear Butte on the northeastern
corner of the Black Hills adjacent to Sturgis, South Dakota,
and the chain of medicine buttes which line the Missouri River
breaks throughout the length of the Dakotas. Bear Butte is
the scene of intense dispute over access and privacy of traditional
ceremonies, primarily the Vision Quest of the Sioux and the
annual renewal ceremonies of the Northern Cheyenne. Since
the state of South Dakota holds title to the site, the conflict
is primarily with state government and does not generally
involve the military.
There
may, nevertheless, be some areas of dispute today between
the Sioux and other tribes and the military over the location
of missile sites in the western parts of South Dakota and
North Dakota. Some missile silos appear to be within close
proximity of sacred buttes in western South Dakota.
Locations
in western Nebraska are oriented around the winter camps and
the annual spring migrations of the buffalo and serve as locations
for condolence, healing, and prophetic rituals but generally
not as sites for the performance of the Sun Dance. In other
parts of this region the proximity of Sioux sacred sites to
military lands is remote. Pipestone Quarry, for example, is
far from any location with military activity; the falls and
cave at St. Paul have long since been surrounded by urban
sprawl.
The Mandan,
Hidatsa, and Arikara in North Dakota (Meyer 1977) once lived
farther south along the Missouri River from the Big bend to
Bismarck. Many of their sacred sites are now in lands occupied
by the Sioux along the river and remote from military lands.
De-activation of air bases seems to have taken place without
incident.
The Pawnee
(Dunbar 1911; Hyde 1934a, 1934b, 1951; Murray 1835; Oehler
and Smith 1851) were removed from Nebraska during the last
two decades of the nineteenth century. Their large river villages
had been in decline for several generations and their population
was decreasing from the end of the Civil War until the removal.
These people seem to have successfully transferred their religious
ceremonial life to Oklahoma without losing its substance and
their various religious societies remain strong in their Oklahoma
communities, Chippewa religious practices involve a complicated
priesthood which deals with birth and rebirth processes of
initiation and therefore is not nearly as dependent on specific
locations as is the Sioux.
Additionally,
the Chippewa were historically north of Lake Superior and
were drawn down into Minnesota by the fur trade during historic
times. While some rituals, primarily puberty and condolence
activities do depend upon isolation in remote areas, the priestly
nature of Chippewa religion means that apprenticeship is more
dominant than sacred site location.
_____________________
7 This
chapter is based on Dr. Deloria's wide experience supplemented
by a review of the ethnographic literature to exhibit major
patterns of Native American sacred geography. The organization
by state follows Swanton (1969).
Part
2
